Tuesday, 6 August 2013

The Age of Austerity - a necessity for all?

            This weeks posting seeks to look at the issue of Austerity and whether it is a necessity as a way out of the current crisis. Whilst Austerity has been the favoured solution for many countries to reduce deficits now to help stimulate growth, serious questions have been raised as to whether it is actually undermining growth. Countries such as the UK with control over its own currency and monetary policy should perhaps not be too concerned at this point with a rising debt level so long as spending is targeted at the right areas. Unfortunately for other countries, such as those struggling in the Eurozone, a lack of economic tools leaves them with no choice but to follow austerity potentially for years to come.           

                    Austerity. The word has become one of the most used and looked up since the crisis began in 2008. In 2010 it was named word of the year by Merriam-Webster's Dictionary. We are, according to the prime-minister David Cameron in a speech given in 2009, living in the "Age of Austerity". From an economic perspective, it is defined on Wikipedia as describing "policies used by governments to reduce budget deficits during adverse economic conditions. These policies may include spending cuts, tax increases, or a mixture of the two. Austerity policies may be attempts to demonstrate governments' liquidity to their creditors and credit rating agencies by bringing fiscal incomes closer to expenditures."

                As we know we are currently in the worst recession since the 1930s. Many governments (including the UK) have been running large deficits for many years and have been forced to increase the amount of borrowing required to fund those deficits drastically due to the (whisper it quietly) “banking crisis”. Countries such as Ireland, Greece and Portugal have required bailouts from the EU and IMF because their fiscal deficits grew so large that the fear of default drove up their borrowing costs to a level leaving them unable to borrow sufficiently in the market. The conditions required for them to accept these bailouts was to pursue austerity to attempt to reduce their national debt as a % of GDP and that, as a result of this, growth would flow back to these countries. The UK under the existing government has also attempted to follow an austerity path looking to reduce the size of the UK deficit and in turn keep the size of the borrowing to a containable level.

                The idea of resorting to large fiscal deficit reduction in the midst of a recession as a means to attempt to control the national debt level gained popularity in the early years of the current crisis due to a paper by renowned economists Carmen Reinhart and Kenneth Rogoff. In their paper “Growth in a Debt in Time” they attempted to demonstrate that once a developed country’s debt gets to a level of 90% of GDP or above then this will cause economic growth to slow substantially. As a result, countries need to work to reduce their debt levels to keep them below the 90% bound. If they fail to do so, the crisis in confidence can provoke “very sudden and “unexpected” financial crises. At the very minimum, this would suggest that traditional debt management issues should be at the forefront of public policy concerns.” As a result of this paper many countries, especially those in the Eurozone and the UK saw austerity as a core tool to maintain market confidence. The hope being that a narrower deficit or better a surplus (and as a result smaller Debt/GDP ratio) will then lead to increased private sector and foreign investment and ultimately to a return to sustainable growth.

             This method is significantly different from previous traditional measures used in order to return economies to growth. As mentioned in this blog previously one such method is monetary stimulus. Through the reduction in interest rates (and other such recent efforts like QE) it should encourage the private sector to save less and invest their money in infrastructure (and hopefully not just the stock market!) which in turn will multiply through and lead to a growth in the economy. As we know this has already been enacted by the central banks in the UK, US and Eurozone.

                      The other method conventionally used by governments in the midst of a recession is for them to spend their way out of it. A method which has been in use since Keynes at the height of the Depression.  Fiscal stimulus involves increased government spending and/or a reduction in taxes. The theory is by the government spending more, through investment in construction for example, it will multiply through to other parts of the economy leading to increased spending elsewhere and ultimately to growth. Meanwhile a reduction in taxes should lead to an increase in the number of pounds in firms’ and individuals’ pockets with the hope that they spend it on investment or goods and services which itself will lead to improved overall economic performance.

Fiscal stimulus however is obviously at odds with the idea of austerity. So is austerity really the right method or should we be trying to spend our way out of this recession despite the rising debt levels?
           
                       One of the problems with trying to ascertain whether any policy or method is the correct way forward is the partisanship of those who promote and criticise each method. At the economists level those that are pro-austerity such as Reinhart and Rogoff are prepared to defend their paper and stance despite increasing evidence there may be flaws in their argument. Meanwhile on the other side are economists such as Paul Krugman who believes that austerity should not be undertaken. It is hard to find any middle ground or potentially constructive conversation as neither side seems to want to meet in the middle instead of vehemently sticking to their guns (and indeed criticising the other). On the political side, one only needs to try and read the Wikipedia entry on the UK Government Austerity Programme to get a glimpse of the polarity of the issue. The site has a warning at the top stating the neutrality of the article has been called into question given its perceived strong anti-government stance.
            
                         The use of Reinhart-Rogoff’s theory itself has in the past 6 months been heavily called into question. It follows the discovery that they were missing some data which proved crucial to their findings. The 90% debt-GDP ratio, used by them as the critical point for governments, is now seen as quite arbitrary and not a level which can be used by every country as the perilous point which must not be passed. Meanwhile there is evidence to the contrary which shows that it is slow growth which leads to higher debt levels and not the other way round. This make more sense because as the economy slows down governments will spend more in order to try to stimulate it, leading to an increase in the deficit and, if there is not equivalent increase in GDP at that time, an increase in the debt-GDP ratio. So where does this leave us?
                        
               The reality is it depends on the country’s individual situation, their access to all the tools necessary and the markets perception of their ability to recover and cover their debts.
                    
                        This week I was introduced to the writings of an economist called Cullen Roche. Roche has written an excellent paper around about how money works in modern society under a theory known as monetary realism. According to Roche, Monetary Realism “seeks to describe the operational realities of the monetary system through understanding the specific institutional design and relationships that exist in a particular monetary system”. The paper itself is well worth a read for its insights into how the money system works in the modern world. Even if it is more specific to the US, it gave me a good insight as to some of the issues faced by other economies around the globe. One of the more interesting aspects which I gauged from this was that the US, or a similar economy with full control over its currency and issuing debt in its own currency, should in theory not need to go bankrupt (i.e. default on paying its debts) if its debt were to increase too much. Should there not be demand in the market for US Treasuries being issued (i.e. they cannot borrow enough to cover their deficit or repay existing debt) then the Fed could simply print more money to cover whatever shortfall there has been. This, of course, is only up to a point, but with the US that point would be relatively high due to the diverseness of the US economy.  The big risk is that excessive money printing will result in a high inflationary environment and potentially a weakening of the dollar (and resulting increase in cost of imports) which in turn could have a real impact on the cost of living of the inhabitants. However it is only once it reaches near to this point that there is the real risk, and the hope would be that the economy has been corrected before that point and as a result tightening and a reduction of the debt can then be achieved during a period of growth.
                         
                           As Roche mentions, “government cannot just spend and spend or the extra flow of funds and net financial assets in the system could cause inflation, drive up prices and reduce living standards. It’s important to understand that government cannot just spend recklessly.” It’s thus vitally important government spending is done in an efficient manner because as he points out, “if spending is misdirected or misguided there is a very real possibility this will simply result in higher inflation that is not offset by increased production.” Governments need to invest in projects which will lead to both short, medium and long term growth by having an impact through private sector investment. Needless spending on infrastructure projects such as new bridges, new roads or the like where they have no real long term benefit, whilst providing an injection in the short term, will only be detrimental in the long run. This is where the government needs to get the right balance, which admittedly can be quite difficult.
                              
                         If we look at the UK, we can see it operates economically in a similar format to the US. It issues debt in its own currency, has a relatively diverse economy and has the power to control its own money supply and currency. The UK government has officially been following a plan of national austerity. However if you were to actually look at what has been happening with the current account deficit and national debt it is visible that the government expenditure is actually growing. The last year saw the deficit increased to 3.7% of GDP after being only 1.5% of GDP in Jan 2012. Meanwhile the national debt has expanded from being 73.9% of GDP in 2010 to currently being 90.7% of GDP. Inflation however is now currently at 2.8% but had previously consistently been above this since the crisis started. So despite the increased borrowing, inflation has not spiked. The cost of borrowing for the UK government in the meantime is still only 2.4% yield on 10-year Gilts, down from 3.4% in 2010 when the base interest rate was already 0.5% at that time. As the evidence we saw earlier seems to suggest, there is no reason to fear such an increase in the debt level for the UK above the previously thought 90% danger level. A quick look at Japan sees a country with a Debt to GDP level of over 200% but still with very low borrowing costs and extremely low inflation if not at times deflation. Whilst I am not trying to use Japan as a beacon of economic health, it is a useful comparison to show that having a higher Debt-GDP ratio will not necessarily cause the sort of high (or hyper) inflation and borrowing costs used as fear by those who wish to curb spending completely.
                          
                          From the evidence, I would suggest that the Government in the UK, whilst talking about austerity now, should take the long term view of boosting spending now, in the hope that the real austerity and cut backs can be carried out at a point when the economy is already growing sufficiently on its own. Such examples are with the help to buy scheme and HS2 projects. Whether these will ultimately be “roads to nowhere” or will actually drive things forward in years to come can only wait to be seen and highlights the problems governments have in identifying areas which will assist real long term growth as well as just short term boost. The past 2 quarters have seen slow, slow signs of growth returning to the UK with 0.3% and 0.6% in Q1 and Q2 respectively, but whether this will gather momentum in itself in the coming years will depend on continued government assistance now. The key is that once the UK does start on a path of sustainable growth that this period is then used to begin to reduce down the debt through increased tightening in unnecessary areas of expenditure. This depends very much on the political will of all sides to ignore partisanship and do what is best for the country.
                       
                   Europe on the other hand, especially the peripheral Europe of Portugal, Ireland, Greece and Spain do not have a similar amount of flexibility. Due to the constraints of being unable to issue debts in a currency under their own control, as well as having no control over monetary policy, has left these struggling economies at the mercy of the demands of the markets. True, the excesses during the boom years have pushed these economies to the state they are currently in. However their lack of ability to use monetary policy in order to assist in stimulating the economy and easing the downward spiral have seen these countries fall further into depression than they might otherwise have done. Any attempts by them to try to use fiscal expansion as a method to drive their way out would have been met with a market pushing borrowing costs up to unacceptable levels that the countries would have no option but to default. In the cases of Ireland, Greece and Portugal this has already led to each country requiring bailouts from the EU and IMF. The ECB, needing to play the role a central bank is required to in these situations, has its hands tied in trying to meet the requirements of stronger economies such as Germany versus those in trouble. As such they can only really deal with items on a macro level. This is visible when you hear the ECB often talk about Eurozone growth as a whole which is held up by the strongest economies. In the same way talk last week that the worst is over is premature in my mind. Whilst the Eurozone as a whole may slowly begin to make its way towards growth, the troubled economies are a long way off recovery, as Greece’s continued need for assistance is evidence of.
                        
                 While Paul Krugman beats a drum against austerity, the unfortunate reality for Ireland, Greece and Portugal is that there is no alternative choice due to the pressures of the market. Should any of these economies attempt to move away from austerity then the borrowing costs reflected in the market would only serve to push all these economies back towards default. Such results were seen by the spike in both the Portuguese Bond Yields and CDS spread (the market measure of risk of Portuguese default) at the hint that the coalition may split over a lack of willpower for further deficit reduction. Whilst I agree with Krugman that austerity will not assist these countries in regaining growth the simple truth of the matter is that due to market forces and the lack of tools available there is no other option available. The result will be that these countries, especially Greece, will continue to suffer for many years to come until ineffective spending is reigned in.
             
                        A big difference I believe in the responses of the different economies to austerity measures however can be seen in the response of the people and the opposition political parties. It is no surprise that Ireland is seen as the poster boy of austerity. As Mohammed El-Erian recently wrote “Right or wrong, Ireland will stick with austerity. Efforts to regain national control of the country’s destiny, the Irish seem to believe, must take time.” This is reflected in the relative lack of mass protest compared to Spain, Portugal and Greece as well as in the fact that the main opposition party Fianna Fail publicly backs the austerity measures. With the 3 most recent quarters of GDP showing a further contraction in the Irish economy, the indicators are that it will take time for Ireland to recover but they are in comparatively better shape than the other troubled Eurozone nations. The acceptance that current hardships are necessary after the excesses enjoyed by the majority of the population is perhaps an indicator to the other countries to desist from political brinkmanship and complaint and to pitch in and attempt to stop the slide together.

                     
                    In conclusion, the evidence to me seems to indicate that austerity, in the true sense of the word, is not going to help bring growth back to troubled economies. For countries such as the UK and US, a pull back from unnecessary spending in certain areas should be carried out, but there is no risk at the moment from an increase in debt levels so long as the additional spending is targeted effectively. Once the economies are growing sufficiently, that is the time to reign in further avoidable government spending and seek to reduce the debt. Unfortunately due to the constraints on peripheral Eurozone of both market forces and a lack of monetary control there is no choice for them but to concentrate on dramatically reducing their debt levels and spending now. The political debate about who was to blame in the first place will wrangle on for years, but the truth is that everyone in one way or another gained from the financial excess. The key for now is not to concentrate on the blame but to implement the solution. Unfortunately, depending on the country will depend how much control over the solution your government has.

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